Why the Evangelical Left Is a Hindrance to Morality
Here are three paragraphs to introduce or perhaps only exemplify why I believe new evangelicals, the evangelical left, and those who claim to be theologically conservative but socially liberal (in the current sense) are actually either just plain liberal-leftist or somewhere between simple and simply confused. I should acknowledge up front that this post is really just an outline of something which would require half a book to defend in the way I believe each line and link both ought to be and can be defended. But such it is, and such it must be, at least for now.
First paragraph—what I’d like to see as a holistic conservative: I’d like to see a free and virtuous society. Because I value freedom of religion I’d like to see freedom of conscience. Because freedom of conscience includes choices about the value of scarce resources, I’d like to see economic freedom (not the same as economic power) as well. A free market is the venue within which economic freedom exists. Of course, that rosy chain of liberty looks cankered when its necessary corollaries, personal responsibility and risk, are included in the picture. And it is true. I want to see a society where freedom, responsibility, and risk are all present. I don’t want to see any of the downside of risk realized, but it will be. So it is true that if I want to see a society with risks present, I must also acknowledge that my ideal society would have hurting people in it as well—cancer victims who did not buy insurance and widows and orphans whose departed provider did not save them any money. But I’m not quite finished with this paragraph. Because I’d also like to see a society where people invite neighbors and strangers into their homes and where they personally help those who are in need. As I said, I don’t just want a free society, but a free and virtuous one.
Second paragraph—why the free and virtuous society appears inadequate to the left: All the idealism of the first paragraph sounds great as long as everyone is virtuous and suffering people don’t fall through the cracks. But not everyone is virtuous, not every person who suffers will be cared for, and therefore people will fall through the cracks. A society in which people’s suffering is so systemically tolerated is simply unacceptable. So we need a systemic approach to sealing the cracks. Economic principles did not seal the cracks, so the only means remaining are non-economic. Well the only non-economic powers over economic resources are virtue (missing in this scenario; hence the problem) and coercion. Coercive power can be either anarchical or centralized. Since anarchy surely will not provide for the suffering, the only coercive power capable of sealing those cracks is a centralized power; that is, a centralized government. Hence, government ought to be given authority over private property so that it can be redistributed as necessary to prevent people from falling below a certain standard of living deemed to be above the cracks. It is true that the freedom to value things other than that “certain standard of living” will be gone; but so will much of the risk—really, all of the risk if things are carried out ideally.
Third paragraph—the value exchange the left has actually made: The second paragraph’s conclusion is a society where there is no room for virtuous benevolence. If a suffering soul’s care ever did fall into the hands of an observant and benevolent person, it would be evidence that the system (the bureau of benevolence) had failed. So the left’s society is one in which material needs would be met (not really, but in their ideal world) and the exercise of personal care—actually voluntarily sharing resources with a person about whom the giver cares—would be impossible. To be clear: the evangelical left sacrifices virtue (morality) for the sake of material security.
Perhaps those three paragraphs call for a footer, even if only a question: “Or what is the point if a person gains the whole material world, but loses his own soul?”
Sphere: Related Content
The uncomfortable implications of such a freedom include at their head that the will appears to be miraculous in its nature, and that Joe seems to be strangely imbued with divine creativity. There is something right about that assessment and something wrong about it.
I highly recommend the recent
Most people are familiar with self-fulfilling prophecies. Tell a groom he’s going to trip on the first step up to the platform during his wedding and he’ll focus so much effort on that step that it will no longer be natural and, voila, the prophecy is fulfilled. Built into many of those kinds of scenarios is this truly ironic fact about human nature, particularly the relational component of that nature: people tend to produce exactly what they want to avoid.
This post comes from Joseph Wooddell, Ph.D., my friend and colleague at Criswell College.
Education has its pluses and its minuses. Now don’t get me wrong. I’m an educator and believe very strongly in the benefits of what I do. But I constantly see the downside of academics as well. If enlightenment, circumspection, and maturity typify the benefits of education, then disenchantment, aloofness, and either lethargy or skepticism typify its curses.
Abraham Lincoln’s heritage is nowhere better reflected than in what may be the greatest speech in American History, the Gettysburg Address. (It took around two minutes to deliver, by the way, a fact which should not be lost on those of us always crying for another portion of an hour to finish our weekly church-speeches.) Here it is in its entirety, with emphasis on the portion most poignantly opposed to what will come from Darwin below.
But it takes Darwin’s theory to make that point. Hence the difference. Darwin publishes The Origin of Species in 1859. These few lines from the final paragraph of that work will suffice:

The pro-life position is not simply anti-abortion. Being against abortion is not sufficient to encompass what it is to be pro-life; there are, after all, still issues like eugenics and euthanasia. On the opposite end of the spectrum, though, trying to define the pro-life position in terms of enmity with abortion fails for a different reason.